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December 1, 2010 by Matt Ross
Comments (1)
Intelligence, Security, data management, Information Assurance, Data Security, leaks
With intelligence information, it seems, it is flood or drought. For decades, Britain’s intelligence agencies operated so deep in the shadows that their public profile was defined largely by George Smiley and James Bond. Since 1994, they’ve crept slowly onto the public stage – in part thanks to the work of the Intelligence and Security Committee (ISC) – and we now have a more accountable set of agencies operating under at least a modicum of democratic scrutiny.
In 2003, though, the objectivity and legitimacy of our intelligence agencies’ work was dramatically undermined; first by the weakness of their Iraq data – and its exaggeration to justify the invasion – and then by their connections to less scrupulous US allies in a war of dubious legality. This, perhaps inevitably, dragged their activities into the courts, causing serious reputational damage – and exposing far more of their work to public scrutiny than had ever been planned or anticipated.
Then came the Wikileaks – a flood of confidential information poured into the public domain, to be picked over by the world’s media. An outcome of the IT revolution, globalisation and growing disillusionment with western intelligence, in the short term the leaks will stoke tensions and create diplomatic embarrassment. The worst results, though, may take longer to emerge. Already, these leaks will have made North Korea’s and Iran’s leaders still more hostile and angry, condemning their populations to further deprivation and instability; and there is much more to come.
Some politicians and officials dislike the Freedom of Information Act, on the basis that it has made people less willing to take notes on private conversations within government; some intelligence officials, no doubt, would feel happier in the absence of the ISC. But both mechanisms have been shaped by accountable civil servants, approved by elected politicians, and designed to increase transparency and public scrutiny without putting at risk lives or property around the world.
The Wikileaks are different. Published without respect for the need for a confidential space between nations, without recognition of the possible impact on international relations, without consideration of the likely effects on whole populations, they represent an example of power without responsibility. Private negotiations between international actors are an essential ingredient in almost every successful peace process; when that space is weakened, so is the cause of peace.
Scrutiny is an essential tool in improving the accountability and quality of intelligence work, but – like the agencies themselves – it gains its legitimacy through a democratic process. So Britain has begun to irrigate our desert of intelligence information; but with these leaks, a lone maverick has opened the floodgates. And a flood like this has the potential to destroy irrigation systems, crops – and farmers too.

Colin Evans
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I wonder.
It does seem that Julian Assange (the WikiLeaks founder) has a desire for self destruction, and the backlash from a series of western governments, notably the US, is likely to give him the one-off pyrrhic victory he seems to crave.
However, it is too easy to dismiss this extreme case as somehow justifying the "obvious" benefit of continued or extended government secrecy as a matter of course. In fact is is too easy to assume that just because secrecy has been the historical way of doing things, is it necessarily the only way.
I think it would be very interesting to see the outcome of a world where governments and other power groups (e.g. large commercial organisations) could assume as a matter of course that all their actions would be open to public scrutiny within a limited space of time, say 1 year.
It would certainly be very different from today. Would the sky fall in and disaster reign?, or just maybe- would not only negotiators and decision makers be driven towards more socially valuable decisions, but also the public and press ultimately become more realistic about their expectations of the negotiators?
As I write Assange is now in a UK jail awaiting extradition, on charges that may be true, or may have been "cultivated" to bring him to heel (maybe one day WikiLeaks will tell us which!).
Either way the questions above are likely to remain academic, there are too many enemies to the notion to ever see it played out. I just want to suggest that governments and companies are not people, they are (in principle) tools to serve people. It's not clear that there is any moral necessity for these non-people to have assumed rights to privacy. the decision should be a pragmatic one, and i'm not sure we have ever tested the alternatives.
Colin Evans 532 days ago